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California legislator shelves bill to ban paid 'gay conversion therapy' for adults

California legislator shelves bill to ban paid “Why would you pause when you don’t need to, when you’re in the driver’s seat?” Low said he had no signs of opposition from Gov. Jerry Brown. Neither did Rick Zbur, executive director of Equality California, the LGBTQ advocacy group that co-sponsored the bill, who expressed confidence that Brown — whom he called “the most pro-LGBTQ governor in the state's history” — would sign it. Brown’s office said it does not comment on pending legislation. Zbur said he believed the bill clearly would not ban the Bible or otherwise impede religious practice, as opponents had feared. Still, he said additional time would let them “tinker with the bill to make very clear that these false assertions the other side is making are not accurate.” The news of Low’s decision was lauded by opponents to the measure. Jonathan Keller, president of the socially conservative organization California Family Council, said his group was “inexpressibly grateful” to Low for listening to religious communities. “People of faith across California and around the nation care deeply about our family, friends, neighbors and coworkers who identify as LGBTQ,” Keller said. “AB 2943 would have tragically limited our ability to offer compassionate support related to sexual orientation and gender identity, and even to preach Jesus’ message of unconditional love and life transformation.” Mannoia, who once served as president of the National Assn.

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She acknowledged that bias in policing and society can be embedded in the scoring system. Moreover, she pointed out, policymakers must divide the scores into low-, medium- and high-risk “buckets.” The big question for judges and administrators in every jurisdiction will be how big to make the buckets. Real reform would uphold the presumption of innocence by reserving pretrial detention only for those accused of serious crimes. The implications of the adjustability of the scoring are troubling. The tools yield a score, but it doesn’t categorize that score; the size of each bucket is a policy decision. If judges and court administrators want to decrease incarceration, they can shrink the “high-risk” bucket; if they want to jail more people, they can make it bigger. Under the new California legislation, nothing prevents courts from putting 90% of all presumptively innocent people awaiting trial in the high-risk bucket and thus in jail. This danger is not hypothetical — it is essentially what the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency did under the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy. ICE used risk assessment tools and adjusted them to score all detainees as ineligible for release: It put everyone crossing the border into the high-risk “bucket.” California’s new law provides no meaningful oversight or checks against manipulation of the scoring. It provides no definition of what factors the tools may consider in estimating risk and no effective way to mitigate their bias. There is no mechanism to even see the risk scores and the data behind them, let alone to challenge the scores.

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